However, there is also evidence that Asian Americans are widely non-partisan. In the Multi- city Survey of Urban Inequality (MCSUI) it is reported that 61% of Asian Americans did not identify with a party (Hajnal and Lee, 88). It becomes clear that research regarding Asian Americans is perhaps not ample enough, in order to reach a conclusive result. This is perhaps the biggest hurdle of having minority outreach towards Asian Americans. However, when looking at minority groups, these groups have tended to lean towards the most liberal parties. Donald Trump appeals to some of the most radical right voters, and this juxtaposition between the historical Asian American vote and nominees views might present the biggest rift. Furthermore, voters tend to identify with the political ideologies of their parents, which begins since birth (Hajnal and Lee, 67). Following this logic, it is probable that if Asian American voters are voting Democratic then their children will also be inclined to vote towards the left. However, if there is focus on second and third generation immigrants then they will “not have much of a parental partisan cue” (79). Thus, it becomes increasingly important to not solely concentrate on all Asian Americans, but instead on non-immigrant Asian Americans. This is not to say that recent immigrants should not be targeted for voter outreach, but the later generations might have been socialized into American politics. Those not registered will be the most receptive to the outreach, and concentrating on a niche group will adequately use resources. By concentrating on voters who are not registered might inevitably include recent immigrants, and this will not confound the voter outreach. It is important to note that what needs to be avoided in solely targeting the Asian American immigrant community. This is primarily due to the
However, there is also evidence that Asian Americans are widely non-partisan. In the Multi- city Survey of Urban Inequality (MCSUI) it is reported that 61% of Asian Americans did not identify with a party (Hajnal and Lee, 88). It becomes clear that research regarding Asian Americans is perhaps not ample enough, in order to reach a conclusive result. This is perhaps the biggest hurdle of having minority outreach towards Asian Americans. However, when looking at minority groups, these groups have tended to lean towards the most liberal parties. Donald Trump appeals to some of the most radical right voters, and this juxtaposition between the historical Asian American vote and nominees views might present the biggest rift. Furthermore, voters tend to identify with the political ideologies of their parents, which begins since birth (Hajnal and Lee, 67). Following this logic, it is probable that if Asian American voters are voting Democratic then their children will also be inclined to vote towards the left. However, if there is focus on second and third generation immigrants then they will “not have much of a parental partisan cue” (79). Thus, it becomes increasingly important to not solely concentrate on all Asian Americans, but instead on non-immigrant Asian Americans. This is not to say that recent immigrants should not be targeted for voter outreach, but the later generations might have been socialized into American politics. Those not registered will be the most receptive to the outreach, and concentrating on a niche group will adequately use resources. By concentrating on voters who are not registered might inevitably include recent immigrants, and this will not confound the voter outreach. It is important to note that what needs to be avoided in solely targeting the Asian American immigrant community. This is primarily due to the